by Marta Martinelli
The meeting will
take place in Brussels on April 2and 3, 2014, gathering African and European
partners under the theme ‘Investing in people, prosperity and peace.’
The IV EU –
Africa Summit will take place in Brussels on April 2and 3,
2014, gathering African and European partners under the theme ‘Investing in
people, prosperity and peace.’ Notwithstanding the good promises, the
preparation process that has been done lately showed several cracks between the
two continents.
Signed in Brussels in 2007, the EU – Africa joint
partnership aimed at creating a ‘relationship between peers,’ focused on the
populations of the two continents. The testing ground of the partnership, and
consequently its importance, would have been measured through the benefits
generated for European and African citizens. Yet, something hasn’t worked
properly so far – it will be necessary to analyse the proposals for reform
brought about by both Member States and civil society, keeping into account how
global dynamics have evolved both in Africa and in Europe.
What has changed then, since 2007? The European Union is
suffering for a massive loss in credibility into the African continent, yet it
refuses to face the consequences. The Arab world has been overwhelmed by crisis
for years, tragically highlighting that the enduring authoritarian regimes in
Egypt and Libya was supported even by Europe; that the European Union is moved
by ‘ground-level’ principles such as geopolitical stability and trade, more
than by human rights and democracy. The revolutionary changes occurred in these
two African countries took them out of the scene, hence pan-African development
and African continental institutions improvement missed two of their leading
actors. Both Egypt and Libya were among the main financial promoters of the
African Union, crucial engines for intercontinental relationships with the
European Union. Their progressive weakening has undoubtedly slowed down the
relationships between the two continents, and triggered the internal fight for
power in the appointment of the President of the African Commission, ended up
in a victory of South Africa.
On the other hand, Africa is becoming more and more
self-confident, diversifying its partnerships, in particular with China, India
and Brazil; it has been reducing its dependency from traditional allies – such
as the EU. Its renewed self-confidence lies on the awareness of being a ‘young’
continent, targeted by international investors even during a lingering
financial crisis. This new awareness allowed Africa to show its dissent on the
international stage, at the UN or during the WTO for instance.
The controversies connected with the International Criminal
Court, accused of pestering African Heads of State and of being the new tool for
Western countries in managing the world order, are poisoning the relationships
between the two partners. Dealing with this matter, the European Union has
repeatedly asked Africa to solve the issue at The Hague, instead of Brussels.
Yet, the EU was committed in dealing with Africa as a ‘peer’ since the signing
of the agreement, while it did not hesitate in signing bilateral economic
agreements with other African actors, complying with the end of privileged
exchange regimes as imposed by the World Trade Organization. For sure their
actions were aimed at creating a ‘no-barrier’ market – yet they did not take
into consideration that Africa is quite late in political and industrial
policies development. To cap it all, several western strategic allies, such as
Nigeria and Uganda, has recently adopted laws criminalising LGBTs, and both the
EU and the US have expressed their deep disappointment, threatening
retaliations – which have led to nothing. It won’t be an easy summit.
Yet, there would be several reasons to renew mutual efforts:
both continents are suffering for the effects of climate change, with
disastrous effects on food safety and on the stability of entire areas. The
economic and financial crisis forces these partners to make joint efforts for
fighting tax evasion and corruption, subtracting remarkable funds to both
Africa and Europe, reducing their investments in services. Africa is rich in
the natural resources Europe needs so much, and the regimes regulating minerals
extraction and use need to be reviewed. Finally yet importantly, migration
flows – generated by both extreme poverty and humanitarian crises overwhelming
Africa – need to be regulated on the basis of not only safety policies, but
also aiming to create real job opportunities and to respect human rights.
The political dialogue generated by the partnership is
crucial, yet it cannot be an end to itself. It shall be a tool for realizing
joint benefits for European and African citizens. Failing this, it could turn
into another beautiful, empty shell.
Marta Martinelli is Senior
Policy Analyst, EU External Relations at the Open Society European Policy
Institute. She writes in her personal capacity.
This post first
appeared in EU
News
This is a guest post;
views may not represent that of ECDPM
Photo Courtesy of the European External Action Service (EEAS)
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